Published by Chuck on 08 Jul 2008 at 11:38 am
Reply to Andy Price’s “Communalism or caricature”
By Chuck Morse
Murray Bookchin dedicated his life to building a revolutionary challenge to the existing social order. He elaborated complex doctrines that pointed to a different future, he formed organizations to advocate for his ideas, and he tried to educate militants who would, he hoped, fight for his views.
Bookchin was ultimately unable to mount a new revolutionary challenge, although nearly everyone who participated in his attempt to do so was inspired, frustrated, and transformed by the experience. I tried to describe some of this in my Being a Bookchinite, an essay that struck a chord among many who had been touched by Bookchin in one way or another. Readers seemed particularly grateful for its balance of praise and critique, a rarity in the literature on Bookchin.
However, Andy Price, a British academic who recently reviewed my piece in Anarchist Studies, had a very different response. Though he accepts all of my favorable remarks about Bookchin without comment, he challenges every observation in my essay that might put Bookchin in an unfavorable light. He argues that my criticisms–though not my praise–are methodologically unsound and presuppose a misreading of Bookchin’s work.
His primary objection is that I rely on “the insinuation of personal failings and insidious motives in Bookchin that render his revolutionary project a failure.” An essay, he says, on the strengths and weaknesses of Bookchin’s revolutionary project should not contain “personal recollection and gossipy insinuation.” What is required is a “detailed examination of [Bookchin’s] principles and the practice they necessitate.”
There are actually several issues here. I believe that I can resolve one–the accusation that I insinuated something–by simply reminding Price that I articulated my views quite frankly and did not seed my essay with hints or suggestions. There were no hidden messages.
His statement that personal recollections should be excluded raises a more complicated question, although I wish he would have explained—rather than simply asserted—his claim. In the absence of an explanation, I can only reply by stating that I find that analyses that relate ideas to practice are richer than those that treat ideas alone, particularly in the case of someone like Bookchin, who not only wrote but also lived as a revolutionist. I suspect that this is why personal recollections were so important to Bookchin (think, for example, of the extensive autobiographical interviews in Anarchism, Marxism and the Future of the Left) and why Janet Biehl is writing his biography.
However, Price’s contention that I failed to examine Bookchin’s ideas and the “practice they necessitate” is erroneous. I described Bookchin’s views on nature and history and social change and related them directly to the political experience that I shared with him. I also linked his broader ideals to his political practice in very specific, concrete terms when I identified Bookchin as a sect builder.
Price not only questions the general framework of my essay, but also my reading of Bookchin’s work.
For instance, he objects to my statement that Bookchin was silent on white supremacy and racism and never addressed either topic in any but the most cursory fashion. This, for him, is my most “specious accusation yet.” He writes:
In terms of the claim that Bookchin was ‘silent’ on race, then the whole of Bookchin’s writings on hierarchy and domination set themselves to a critique of these concepts in their entirety, including the hierarchy and domination that exists between ethnic groups. To argue for the dissolution of hierarchy as such in society is to argue for the end of white supremacy.
It is true that Bookchin argued against hierarchy as such, but opposition to hierarchy in general is not a substitute for an analysis of its particular forms, such as racism and white supremacy, which have their own origins and trajectory. Although Murray wrote extensively about patriarchy, gerontocracy, the emergence of the state, and other hierarchies, he never advanced an analysis of racism or white supremacy. In fact, he never devoted a single article or book, or even a significant portion of an article or book, to either topic.
Price also takes exception to my claim that Bookchin disregarded the material conditions of social change. To refute me, he cites a passage in which Bookchin calls for changes in material conditions.
Of course, Bookchin called for the transformation of material conditions but, theoretically, he prioritized cultural over material factors. He was also a voluntarist, who believed that social change was primarily about wanting it. These commitments run throughout his work, from his writings on natural evolution, to his historical studies, to his political essays. In fact, the “The Communalist Project,” which contains only passing commentary on social structures but a detailed discussion of ideological issues, is a good example.
How would Price have us respond to Bookchin’s work? If his (completely uncritical) review of Social Ecology and Communalism is an indication, he would have us venerate Bookchin as an immaculate martyr to the revolutionary cause. In fact, I suspect that what really troubles Price is that I had the temerity to advance any criticism at all: that, instead of heralding him as a thinker and activist of world-historical import, I treated him as an important but imperfect revolutionist. In my view, this approach is much more satisfying because it humanizes Bookchin and thus, if nothing else, renders his achievements all the more impressive. Indeed, as a deity, we would have to dismiss him as a miserable failure; as a man, who was flawed and embedded in his times like the rest of us, he was extraordinary.
I believe that those committed to building a revolutionary alternative should work to identify Bookchin’s shortcomings and surpass them in an analysis that balances both praise and critique. Although this might seem like an act of disloyalty to the memory of a man who gave so much to so many, I am of the opinion that applying this method is actually the best way to embrace and celebrate the substance of Bookchin’s legacy. It was in that spirit that I wrote Being a Bookchinite.
Rafa Grinfeld on 08 Jul 2008 at 5:08 pm #
Why should Murray have written more about racism? Why is racism so important and sexism or classism not so important for example? A critique of hierarchy in general is more to the point. Much about racism has been written or said by people who were very inspired by the writings of Murray : Peter Staudenmaier, Peter Zegers, Eric Krebbers, Rafa Grinfeld, Bob Wester and others. And why should he have written so much about racism when it was clear that he was clearly inspired by ideas of people from the Frankfurt school (some of them made very inspiring texts about racism or the links between an authoritarian personality and fascism)?
Anarcho on 09 Jul 2008 at 12:57 am #
I have to say that I think that many followers of Bookchin are really sensitive to criticism of him. At times, I get the impression they think there is a massive conspiracy against him and his legacy.
I would also suggest that Bookchin’s break with anarchism showed Bookchin at his worse. There was extensive revisionism of his own history, in terms of him announcing that he was aware of the limitations of anarchism back in the 1980s. He kept that quiet, particularly in the many articles in the 1990s he wrote saying he was an anarchist and proud of it! Then there is the last two volumes of his The Third Revolution. Volume 3, on Russia, was okay (if uncritical of vanguardism). Volume 4, on Spain, was terrible — it came across as being written by someone ignorant of anarchism (not to mention in total contradiction to his The Spanish Anarchists)
I explore some this these issues in my review of Social Ecology and Communalism.
Still, overall, Bookchin enriched anarchism greatly. He had his flaws, who doesn’t? But it is a case of building on his best work. It is a shame he spent the last few years destroying his own legacy by becoming so anti-anarchist.
Matt on 09 Jul 2008 at 7:28 am #
Rafa,
As far as I know, the authors that you list address European Nazism. Applying the lessons learned from an analysis of European Nazism to contemporary racism both within the US and on a global scale is, to put it nicely, limiting. The US situation is unique with our history as a settler state, slavery, aboriginal genocide, internment camps, lynching, segregation and Jim Crow, reservations, to contemporary racial disparities with regards to access to education, health care, housing, employment, healthy food, etc. (And this list is woefully incomplete.)
It’s this complexity that I think the communalist transitional strategy fails to address in the U.S. At best, if a communalist movement were ever to develop the only people who could participate fully would be those who have the luxury of not having to worry about meeting their immediate needs–mainly white, middle class folks… hardly democratic and hardly welcoming to people of color and people struggling to make ends meet, especially with the “promise” of a revolution (not in their lifetime, to boot!). Whereas Western European and Scandinavian welfare states help to alleviate a lot of these concerns regarding day-to-day survival, making participation in a movement for radical change such as communalism somewhat more likely.
I think this has a lot to do with why it is overwhelmingly European social ecologists and communalists (and maybe a Canadian or two) that take such great offense and go to such great lengths to defend Bookchin and dismiss criticism of him not adequately addressing racism.
Matt on 09 Jul 2008 at 7:30 am #
Oh! And I forgot to also mention that this has a lot to do with Morse’s criticism of voluntarism and the material conditions of social change. But I hope that was obvious…
Rafa Grinfeld on 10 Jul 2008 at 1:43 am #
I understand that it’s not so simple for people living in the USA to have clear views on what communalism is, or on the extent in which it is linked to anti-racism. It mostly is a very contemporary and sometimes quite European thing. Many people in the North know much about it (Vermont, Canada, Scandinavia). It’s important that people living south of those regions get a clearer view on it. (And early communalism was not a complex theory yet.)
Still, people like Janet Biehl, Chaia Heller, Brian Tokar and Peter Munsterman seem to have really good ideas about communalism and what it is.
I deeply respect social anarchists, but I can not say that social anarchism always is that much an authentic form of anarchism. I see contemporary anarchism as quite an individualistic thing, while it is sometimes difficult to comprehend the similarities and differences between social anarchism and individualist anarchism.
I think we should start to address the issue of classism more here in the West. I think many of the problems in the world are more the result of classism than of racism. Let there be no confusion about this : I totally support the anti-racist movement, that doesn’t mean I have to write about that or racism all of the time, or read anti-racist texts all of the time.
Mike S. on 10 Jul 2008 at 4:10 am #
Rafa concludes:
“I totally support the anti-racist movement, that doesn’t mean I have to write about that or racism all of the time, or read anti-racist texts all of the time.”
This is an obvious strawman. No one has suggested that racism and anti-racism should be anyone’s sole focus. Chuck’s argument was that some like Murray, who attempted to develop a comprehensive vision of the world and how to change it, needed to address the particularities and complexities of race relations and white supremacy, AT LEAST SOMETIMES.
Matt on 10 Jul 2008 at 5:01 am #
Rafa,
Nobody ever said anything about creating a hierarchy of oppressions, or privileging race over class. One of the criticisms of social ecology/ communalism is that the response to racism is woefully underdeveloped. And, for reasons that I previously mentioned, this is important for social change in the US and globally for very apparent reasons.
And nobody is saying that you should solely write about racism and read anti-racist texts. Absurd.
Also, I think that your point about Biehl, Heller, Tokar, and Munsterman having “really good ideas about communalism and what it is” is moot. As far as I know, they are not developing any communalist organizations or getting involved in local elections (as communalists, at least) or organizing town hall meetings (again, as communalists). I have to assume they must feel that radical social change is not as simple as it was made out to be in the Libertarian Municipalism: The Politics of Social Ecology, that the situation in the U.S. is much more complex… (That’s not to say that they’re not doing good, important work. I know Tokar has been at the forefront of the social critique of biofuels and has been working tirelessly to connect global climate change and radical social change.)
Vincent Gerber on 11 Jul 2008 at 7:19 am #
Mike S. said :
“Chuck’s argument was that some like Murray, who attempted to develop a comprehensive vision of the world and how to change it, needed to address the particularities and complexities of race relations and white supremacy, AT LEAST SOMETIMES.”
But he did. Not deeply enough for many, certainly. But he did. And what ? He was just a man. He cannot know and write about everything. He did a lot, more than anyone of us I would say, I won’t be the one who tell him : you could have done more on this, you make a mistake that. Let’s move on ! Improve, go further that he did. This is our job, clearly.
One last thing. It’s really strange for me, each time I read some criticism of Bookchin I have this feeling that we didn’t have read the same books. I just don’t recognize anything.
It’s not a theoretical point, mostly a communication one I would say. So many people reading the same text and so many ways of interpret it. Do we understand only what we want, making pre-theories on what we are going to read/see/watch ? I really believe so, and this is a great problem.
Chuck on 11 Jul 2008 at 9:01 am #
Hi Vincent,
Thanks for the comment. My observations about Bookchin and racism and white supremacy have generated a lot of debate, so I welcome the opportunity to discuss this issue more fully.
To reply, I’m going to have to echo what Mike S. said: Murray did not: “address the particularities and complexities of race relations and white supremacy.” Or, to put it slightly differently, he did not advance an analysis of the meaning, origins, or trajectory of white supremacy or racism and did not examine how racism and white supremacy impact the forms of hierarchy that he did analyze.
In my view, this absence in his work invalidates his claim that he had provided a general theory of “the emergence and dissolution of hierarchy” (to site the subtitle of the iEcology of Freedom). It is not possible to understand the modern world without a strong and highly articulated analysis of racism and white supremacy. These are not secondary issues.
Vincent says: “Let’s move on! Improve, go further that he did. This is our job, clearly.”
I support that statement wholeheartedly. However, to move on, I think we need to “identify Bookchin’s shortcomings and surpass them in an analysis that balances both praise and critique” (to quote the conclusion of the above article). Don’t you agree?
Rob Augman on 15 Jul 2008 at 10:45 pm #
Hi Chuck,
I’ve been trying to keep up on the discussion ever since you sent your essay around. I think you bring up a lot of good points, which should be developed further. The question of voluntarism and Murray’s lack of writing on the topic of race and racism, being prime examples.
In my view, he made many important innovations on Marxism and anarchism that are extremely relevant for today. And I think many who were influenced by social ecology have gone on to develop analyzes based on Murray’s work. Some of whom still relate closely to his work, and others who have moved further away. This was always seen at the Institute for Social Ecology during every summer program.
But it is glaring to see how little he touched on the topic of race and racism. And this is peculiar, because his intention was not limited to developing Marxism and anarchism in a general sense, but rather developing a political project relevant to the situation in the United States in particular. Libertarian Municipalism therefore, relies heavily on an examination of the democratic potentialities within the local government institutions of the U.S. His historical research then also focuses on the particular development of the state apparatus, and its hierarchicalization. (is that a word?)
He always condemned exclusions from the political sphere, whether based on gender, ethnicity, and “race.” And of course his vision for a free and participatory space of politics was strongly against such exclusions.
He sought to reclaim or retain the democratic elements of these institutions for an emancipatory project. And he was often critiqued for this. These institutions were historically exclusive, and remain so to this day. They can not be reclaimed or even thought of in terms of an emancipatory trajectory, it was often argued.
I think this is an ongoing and critical discussion, with no easy answer. I don’t think it’s possible to view such institutions as simply “having their flaws” which “need to be improved.” The question should be asked: What was the relationship between early American self-government *and* its racial, gender, and religious exclusions?
I tend to think Murray downplayed the relationship. But I also think there was an all too simple rejection of his basic thesis from his critics. This would be a great area for continued discussion and research.
Gotta run. Thanks for the discussion.
-Rob
Eirik Eiglad on 12 Aug 2008 at 1:45 pm #
Hello,
I just wanted to inform readers of Negations that we have now published the first part of my reply to Chuck Morse. The whole essay is titled “Measures of Failure and Success.” The first part deal mainly with Morse’s accusations that Bookchin was an idealist and a voluntarist, and the necessary presentation of the historical perspectives of social ecology. This discussion I think is necessary to fully explore Morse’s superficial and distorted presentation of the legacy Murray Bookchin left us.
You will find the essay here: http://www.communalism.net
Solidarity,
Eirik Eiglad
editor@communalism.net